THE
MEXICAN RESOLUTION SYSTEM FOR ELECTORAL DISPUTES FROM
A COMPARATIVE POINT OF VIEW
Jesús OROZCO HENRÍQUEZ*
This
speech aims at explaining the main features distinguishing
the resolution system for electoral disputes which
is in force in Mexico, from a comparative point of
view.
According
to the world-wide contemporary trend favoring a full
judicial review of electoral procedures, and taking
into account the specific authority empowered to issue
a final resolution in each country, it is possible
to classify the resolution systems for electoral disputes
existent in the world within three different categories
as follows: first, those countries in which ordinary
Judges –within the Judicial Branch of Government and
usually organized under a Supreme Court — who don’t
have an exclusive electoral jurisdiction solve electoral
disputes; second, those countries in which Constitutional
Courts, which are separated from the Judicial Branch
of Government, solve the electoral disputes; finally,
those countries in which electoral courts which are
either organized within the Judicial Branch of Government
or independent from the traditional powers, solve
the aforementioned disputes.
The
resolution systems established in those three countries
which have been already brilliantly explained (Hungary,
Ukraine and the United States) as well as in Australia,
Canada, India and England can be all located within
the first category. Such a resolution model, which
is the oldest one, was created in 1868 (and modified
in 1879) in England where it was used for the first
time by a couple of ordinary judges of the Queen’s
Bench Division at the High Court of Justice in order
to resolve an electoral dispute. By providing the
judiciary with the power to solve such kind of disputes,
the traditional resolution model which authorized
the Parliament to sort out all the disputes derived
from the election of its members in a political way,
was modified. As a matter of fact, as we have witnessed
recently, a kind of political resolution system for
federal electoral disputes is in force in the United
States (where the Houses of Congress are empowered
to solve electoral disputes derived from congressional
elections and the United States Electoral College
is empowered to solve electoral disputes derived from
the presidential race) along with a judicial resolution
system established to solve electoral disputes derived
from local elections which can be appealed before
the Supreme Court.
The
Austrian Constitution of 1920 established the resolution
model which I have identified within the second category.
First, the Austrian Constitution authorized the Constitutional
Court to solve the electoral appeals derived from
federal presidential elections and federal congressional
elections. From 1929 onwards the Austrian Constitution
also authorized the aforementioned Court to solve
electoral disputes derived from local elections held
in each single Lander. The cases within the second
category sometimes authorizes the contesting parties
in a electoral dispute to submit legal appeals to
administrative courts which can be organized either
under the Judicial Branch of Government (as the Spanish
case since 1978) or as independent agencies (as it
is the case for the French State Council since 1958,
and the Indonesian experience since 2003). The German
system is also an instance of a mixed political-judicial
one, which since 1949 authorizes contesting parties
to appeal congressional elections before the Bundestag,
whose resolution can be appealed in its turn before
the Constitutional Court.
I
consider the third model under my classification to
be not only the more recent one but also the one which
has been basically developed in Latin America. The
third model was legally created in Uruguay in 1924
when the Electoral Court was established. Furthermore,
the model was constitutionally recognized in Chile
in 1925 when the Evaluating Court for Elections was
created. Although in Latin America some electoral
courts are organized under the Judicial Branch of
Government (as it is the case for Argentina, Brazil,
Mexico, Paraguay and Venezuela), the majority of such
courts are autonomous (as it is the case for Bolivia,
Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,
Panama, Peru and Uruguay). Besides, the unique case
prevailing in Nicaragua must be mentioned: Nicaraguans
have established the electoral court as a Fourth Branch
of Government. The rulings issued by such electoral
courts are usually both definitive and unchallengeable
(as it is the case for Costa Rica, Chile, Mexico,
Nicaragua, Peru, Venezuela and Uruguay). However,
in some cases the electoral courts’ rulings can be
appealed before the Supreme Court (as it is the case
for Honduras), before the administrative courts (Colombia)
or even before the Constitucional Court (which is
the case in Guatemala once a previous trial has been
undertaken before the Supreme Court). The Argentinean
case can also be considered as a mixed political-judicial
system. In Argentina the powers of the National Electoral
Chamber, which is organized under the Judicial Branch
of Government, exist along with those provided for
both Houses of Congress as final juries with respect
to the election of their members, as well as along
with those provided for the congressional General
Assembly to validate the presidential election in
a definitive way. Most of such electoral courts do
perform not only judicial activities but also managerial
ones because they have powers both to solve electoral
appeals and to organize the elections from a logistic
point of view (Brazil, Costa Rica, Panama and Uruguay
are the countries in which electoral courts play such
a double role). Sometimes, when electoral courts are
also empowered to organize the elections, representatives
of the political parties work permanently within such
courts, whether as a majority of members (Honduras)
or not (Uruguay).
It
can be said that the existence of electoral courts
is a Latin American contribution to political science
and electoral law as well. The Latin American electoral
courts have played a fundamental role within both
the democratization processes and the democratic consolidation
of the countries throughout the region, especially
those which started such processes in the 80’s.
It
must be noticed, nonetheless, that sometimes, in spite
of the judicial resolution systems established under
each one of the aforementioned categories (supreme
courts, constitutional courts or electoral courts),
contesting parties to an electoral trial are authorized
to submit, in certain cases, administrative appeals
to those agencies in charge of organizing the elections
from a logistic point of view. Such agencies can be
independent from traditional branches of government
(as it is the case of Elections Canada, the Chilean
Electoral Service, the Federal Electoral Institute
in Mexico and the agency in charge of organizing electoral
processes in Peru). It must be also mentioned that
such electoral institutions can also be organized
as congressional agencies partially independent (as
it is the case for Hungary, the partially independent
Argentinean electoral boards (juntas) and the Spanish
Central Electoral Board (Junta)). It can also be the
case that such agencies are organized under the Executive
Branch of Government, usually within the Ministery
or Department of the Interior (as are the German and
the American cases, as well as, partially, the Argentinean
and the Spanish ones).
The current Mexican Resolution System for Electoral
Disputes was established in 1996, when both the Constitution
and the electoral legislation were amended in order
to provide for an Electoral Court of the Federal Judicial
Power (to which I will refer simply as the electoral
court in what follows) which is empowered to resolve
not only every dispute arisen from federal elections
(whether presidential or congressional), but also
those derived from state elections (affecting the
election of governors, state congressmen and city
councils (ayuntamientos municipales)).
Due to the 1996 reform, the electoral system in force
since the nineteenth century was modified. Such a
system authorized political institutions (the congressional
electoral colleges), to resolve disputes derived from
both presidential and congressional elections in a
final way. It must be said, however, that such final
resolutions were not always made according to the
law but following political criteria on behalf of
the political party in control of each electoral college.
As a matter of fact, even though the first electoral
court which was created in 1987 had a partial autonomy,
its rulings were reviewed and even modified by the
congressional electoral colleges. As a result Mexico
had a mixed political-judicial resolution system from
1987 to 1996.
Today, there are two federal electoral authorities
in Mexico. On the one hand, the Federal Electoral
Institute, which is an independent and permanent public
agency in charge of organizing the federal elections
as well as in charge of resolving some administrative
appeals; on the other hand, the Electoral Court of
the Federal Judicial Power, which is in charge of
resolving judicially the appeals submitted to it and
derived from the elections, in order to review the
compliance of electoral authorities’ orders and resolutions
with the principles of constitutionality and legality,
as well as to protect the electoral-political rights
of every citizen to vote, to be voted and to associate
with others to achieve political objectives.
The Electoral Court is the specialized court within
the Federal Judicial Power as well as the top electoral
authority of the country, except in those cases involving
lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of electoral
legislation, which are under the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction.
The Electoral Court is divided into a Higher Court
and five Regional Courts. The Higher Court, which
is permanently open for business, has seven judges
who have been appointed for a period of ten years.
They cannot be reappointed to a second term. The Higher
Court is located in Mexico City. The Regional Courts,
on the other hand, have three judges appointed for
a period of eight years. They cannot be reappointed
to a second term unless they are promoted to a higher
post. Such courts are only open for business during
the federal electoral process.
There are many constitutional and legal provisions
(both institutional and procedural) aimed at ensuring
the Electoral Court’s autonomy, an independent and
impartial behaviour from the electoral judges and
an effective and efficient case adjudication.
The Electoral Court’s rulings are unchallengeable.
Therefore, they cannot be further reviewed nor modified
by any other agency or court.
Likewise, a kind of “normative autonomy” is constitutionally
vested in the Electoral Court. As a result, the Electoral
Court is entitled to pass an internal regulation on
its own. Besides, the Electoral Court is entitled
to a sort of “managerial autonomy” which derives from
its constitutional powers. The Electoral Court’s Management
Commission (which is integrated by a chairman who
is the President of the Electoral Court along with
members of the Federal Judiciary Council) is authorized
to design a budgetary project on its own as well as
to direct its managerial and financial activities
within a considerable range of freedom. The Electoral
court is also entitled to manage labour relations
on its own.
The Electoral Judges’ independence, impartiality and
professionalism are ensured by requiring from them
the fulfilment of very high professional and technical
standards. The electoral judges also have to demonstrate
a complete independence with respect all political
parties. Besides, each single judge to the Electoral
Court is appointed by a two-thirds majority of senators
out of a shortlist of three candidates submitted by
the Supreme Court after a public summon has been issued
to fill-up the vacancies in the Court. I would like
to mention that in 1996, we were appointed to the
Electoral Court unanimously. Such an appointment was
a result of a great consensus reached by the political
parties which were represented in the Senate at the
time. I should add that the electoral judges’ wages,
which cannot be diminished during their time in Office,
are determined in order to pay for the performance
of a very professional and committed job.
According to the Federal Judiciary Act (Ley Orgánica
del Poder Judicial Federal), there are seventeen cases
in which an electoral judge’s approach to a case could
be biased. In such cases (family or friendship ties
or public enmity with one of the contesting parties)
the electoral judge involved cannot take part in solving
disputes. Furthermore, electoral judges are not allowed
either to accept or to perform any other job or employment,
except unpaid ones at scientific, teaching, literary
or philanthropic associations. Besides, during a period
of time of two years after their last day in Office,
electoral judges are forbidden to take any kind of
job under an administration derived from an electoral
dispute sorted out by them. According to the Mexican
Constitution, electoral judges can be accountable
politically, criminally and administratively. Every
Mexican citizen is empowered to fill in a report about
any electoral judge’s wrongdoings. The electoral judges
have to turnout an annual report on their wealth.
Now, I think it could be interesting to mention some
of relevant rulings which have been issued by the
electoral court, as well as some relevant cases brought
before it. Doing so may provide you with a clearer
and wider picture of the important work which we are
committed to:
a) The Higher Court upheld the 2000 presidential election
and as a result of such a ruling a candidate from
an opposition party was proclaimed as Elected President
for the first time in seventy years;
b) The Higher Court is empowered to annul federal,
state or municipal elections whenever serious and
proved irregularities can be considered to play a
significant role in determining the election’s result.
The Electoral Court has used such a constitutional
power to annul a couple of congressional elections
in 2003 (affecting the election of the Federal Representatives
of the electoral districts of Torreón, Coahuila, y
Zamora, Michoacán), as well as a couple of governorships
(affecting the election of the governor of Tabasco
in 2000 and Colima in 2002);
c) The Electoral Court has the constitutional power
to either uphold or impose severe fines to political
parties which have had financed their electoral campaigns
irregularly. The Court imposed such kind of fines
after the 2000 federal election took place (around
US$100,000,000.00 to the political party holding the
majority of the Congress and US$50,000,000.00 to the
coalition of political parties which won the Presidency);
d) The Electoral Court has also revoked illegal and
unduly congressional appointments of local electoral
authorities (as it did in resolving the lawsuits submitted
by political parties with respect to the electoral
authorities of Guerrero, Nuevo León, Yucatán and Zacatecas);
e) The Electoral Court has upheld the right of every
indigenous citizen to appeal an electoral system based
on indigenous customs and communal procedures (Tlacolulita,
Oaxaca). It’s worth mentioning that the Electoral
Court annulled an election organized under an indigenous
electoral system which infringed the principle according
to which to vote must be considered as a universal
right (Santiago Yhaveo, Oaxaca), and
f) In many of its rulings, the Electoral Court has
upheld a number of measures aimed at ensuring that
political parties organize themselves in a democratic
way (some of the examples of such kind of rulings
can be listed as follows: the unconstitutionality
declaration over the internal regulation of a political
party which did not reach the minimum democratic threshold
established by the law; the obligation of achieving
a balanced relation between the political parties’
right to self determination and the militants’ rights
to a democratic participation in deciding on the party’s
objectives; the declaration of a candidate’s registration
whose name is different to the winner’s of the primary
election as null and void; the declaration of internal
elections of both directive members and candidates
as null and void; the revocation of penalties unduly
imposed upon affiliates; the revocation of penalties
imposed upon affiliates which can be considered as
violating fundamental rights such as freedom of speech).
Finally, it is worth mentioning the transparent way
in which the Electoral Court performs its duties.
Every single resolution session is public and all
of them can be followed through internet. Furthermore,
within the twenty four hours following the resolution
session all our rulings and resolutions can be accessed
freely in our web page. Likewise, any individual is
allowed to review all concluded cases stored in the
judicial archive.
Summing up, the Mexican Resolution System for Electoral
Disputes, which is operated by the Federal Electoral
Institute along with the Electoral Court, has played
a significant role within the transition from a regime
dominated by a hegemonic political party to a pluralistic
regime where political parties compete against each
other in a democratic way. Such a Resolution System
upholds a democratic rule of law which is aimed at
protecting fundamental voting rights as well as at
strengthening a political system in which elections
are free, periodic and authentic under both the Constitution
and the law.